In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts.
You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.
The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity.
Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.
Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns.
This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support.
Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government.
But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.
They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable.
Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.
The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight , the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.
It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party.
But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.
A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes.
To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.
The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects which is always a choice of difficulties , ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. In , peace negotiations began and on September 3, , United States was recognized as a free and independent nation after signing of the Treaty of Paris.
On December 23, , General George Washington resign ed as commander in chief of the Continental Army and returned to civilian life. Washington performed a number of roles during the Revolutionary War. He directed the strategy of the war; turned the Continental army from inexperienced militia into a solid regular army; forced the politicians in Congress to support him; and emerged as the one who would lead the nation.
Though he lost more battles than he won during the war, Washington never surrendered his army. He is also given credit for keeping a fighting force in the field through the difficult early years of the war. Washington faced an opposition which was a superpower and had much more military experience. In comparison, the Americans had neither a standing army nor a navy ; and its soldiers had little to none military experience.
Moreover, throughout the war, he had to deal with shortages of men, shoes, shirts, blankets and gunpowder. In leading America to victory against such odds i s a phenomenal achievement of George Washington.
M ain Sources:- Blythe, Bob. National Park Service, U. Department of the Interior. Ambrose, Stephen November Smithsonian Magazine. After winning the French and Indian War against France in North America, the British decided to keep their army in the continent and to raise the cost of this army by taxing the colonists in its thirteen colonies.
However, the colonists protested against this stating that the British parliament could not tax them as they had no representatives in the House of Commons. In , the British parliament enacted the Townshend Acts which put an indirect tax on various items imported from Britain.
George Washington called for Virginians to boycott British goods until the Acts were repealed. The British parliament repealed the Townshend Acts in However, in , four Acts which became known as the Intolerable Acts, were passed by Great Britain.
The Intolerable Acts were punitive legislation intended to suppress Boston by closing the port and placing it under martial law as Bostonians had been involved in the Boston Tea Party. The Fairfax Resolves called for non-importation of British goods, support for Boston and the meeting of a Continental Congress. It decided to boycott all British goods beginning December 1, ; and also sent a petition to King George III of Great Britain outlining the grievances of the colonies.
Among other factors, Washington was selected due to his previous military experience while serving in the French and Indian War; and in the hope that a southerner leading what was then majorly an army of northerners would help unite the colonies. On July 3, , Washington assumed command of the main American army in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where it had been laying siege to British-occupied Boston after the Battles of Lexington and Concord. He immediately began a rigorous program to discipline the American army.
In August , Washington established a naval force to battle the British. Thus, after 11 months, the Siege of Boston led by Washington was a success. While the Boston Siege was taking place, Washington faced another challenge. In , smallpox had arrived in Boston. A deadly disease in those times which killed around one in two victims. During the siege, Washington prohibited anyone from Boston from entering the military zone to prevent the spread of the virus.
Washington had suffered from smallpox during his teenage. He was thus well aware of the dangers of the disease. As the epidemic spread, Washington ordered all troops to be inoculated. A controversial decision at the time when even the Continental Congress was against it. By the end of , some 40, soldiers had been vaccinated.
On August 22, , a British force of almost 30, landed on the south beaches of Long Island. They attacked on August 27 successfully defeating the 10, American troops in the Battle of Brooklyn. British General William Howe then prepared for a siege as he felt the Americans were trapped. However, taking advantage of a storm, Washington evacuated his entire army to Manhattan without the loss of supplies or a single life.
The surrender of his force might have spelled doom for the American cause. His escape thus allowed them to live to fight another day. The morale of the army was very low and many men had deserted. At such a juncture, George Washington laid out a bold plan to attack the enemy forces stationed at Trenton in New Jersey.
They then swiftly defeated the German missionaries at Trenton within an hour. Washington prepared his defense against Howe at Brandywine Creek. The two armies clashed at the Battle of Brandywine on September 11, Howe was victorious forcing Washington to retreat.
The failure of Washington to defend the capital brought on a storm of criticism from Congress. British General John Burgoyne had to surrender his entire force. More importantly, the comprehensive victory at Saratoga gave France the confidence that America could win the war and this resulted in the formal Franco-American alliance in The British now shifted their strategy to focus on the Southern theater.
They had initial successes as they occupied Savannah, Georgia, in late ; and Charleston, South Carolina, in May The activities of George Washington from late to were more diplomatic and organizational.
His army faced numerous issues. It was undermanned, underfunded and underequipped. Due to this, he resisted calls for major expeditions, preferring to remain focused on the British presence in New York.
During this much celebrated march, Washington send out fake dispatches to make Clinton believe that his army was going to attack New York. On September 28, , Washington completed encircled Yorktown beginning the Siege of Yorktown against a contingent of 9, British troops under Cornwallis.
It is beyond doubt that Washington had a daunting task ahead of him when he took over as the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army. He faced an opposition which was a superpower and had much more military experience. In comparison, the Americans had neither a standing army nor a navy; and its soldiers had little to none military experience.
Moreover, throughout the war, he had to deal with shortages of supplies of men, shoes, shirts, blankets and gunpowder. In leading America to victory against such odds in itself is a great accomplishment. There are different views among historians regarding the ability of George Washington as a General. Washington is however praised for his bold decisions including his successful surprise attacks on the garrisons at Trenton and Princeton.
Moreover, the diplomatic and political skills of Washington in addition to his strength of character and the respect he commanded set him apart from others as a general. Freeman, Douglas S — Office of the Historian. Lawler, Andrew. April 16, Barron, James Aug. The New York Times. I want to be the guy behind the guy. If you do, no matter what, you win. Sometimes you feel guilty for your success because you know people who deserve it way more. It is the process of stimulating people to actions to accomplish their goals.
May these Motivational Quotes On Success inspire you to take action so that you may live your dreams. Suffer now and live the rest of your life as a champion. Many people limit themselves to what they think they can do. You can go as far as your mind lets you. What you believe, remember, you can achieve. But the way I see it, you can either run from it or learn from it.
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